Diubis Laurencio was shot in the back by regime's Revolutionary National Police (PNR)
Human rights defender Rosa María Payá and University of Pennsylvania associate professor Amalia Dache earlier today (January 18, 2022) on MSNBC News commented on the detention and torture of protestors in Cuba. "It's state terrorism, what's going on in Cuba today," stated Rosa María Payá. The news segment can be viewed below.
José Díaz-Balart Reports quoted Professor Dache on Twitter: "There is definitely political apartheid happening in Cuba, definitely harsh punishments happening across racial lines, but Black Cubans are facing harsher punishments, even death." Over social media, University of Pennsylvania associate professor Amalia Dache underscored the racial disparities in regime repression and gave specific examples. "Diubis Laurencio was killed by police and Christian Barrera Diaz was found dead in August after his family was told he was in a detention center. AfroCubans are being lynched in Cuba and witnesses are being sent to jail for 20 years. This is communism in Cuba in a nutshell."
Christian Díaz went missing after joining anti-govt protests on July 12. Told by police that he had died, and been buried in a mass grave.
People in Spanish reported in the article titled "A young Cuban is beaten to death for protesting against the government on the island, says his family" on the disappearance and death of the 24 year old Afro-Cuban protester on August 9, 2021. "Christian Díaz, 24, disappeared after joining anti-government Cuban protests that raged across the island on July 11. His sister Dianelys Barrera asks for justice for the young Cuban, who was found dead. His family began a desperate search for him on July 12 and they reported him missing to the National Revolutionary Police (PNR) in Cárdenas. Christian's father assures that the police in Cuba told him that his son was imprisoned in Matanzas. However, they later informed him that he was found drowned in the sea and had already been buried," citing Univision.
Juan Pedro Torriente in his January 16, 2022 article, " Racism Still Influences Cuban Arts and Culture" published in Hyperallergic, observed that "on the one hand, many Black Cubans may have yet to realize that the current president, Comrade Diaz Canel, has nothing to do with them or their needs. Perhaps they have not yet fully acknowledged that certain characters, like Comrade Esteban Lazo and other Black leaders in the highest levels of the Communist Party of Cuba and its government, are only there as scenery and window dressing. On the other hand, a cursory look at which racial population predominates in Havana’s wealthiest neighborhoods (El Vedado, Miramar, Kholy, Nuevo Vedado) and which predominates in the poorest (Coco Solo, El Pocito, La Guinera, San Isidro), not to mention who fills the island’s prisons, suffices to establish that — in spite of the “revolutionary” propaganda that has persuaded many on and off the island of the revolution’s vindication of its Black citizens — in fact, racial policy, racial inequality, and race relations number among the revolution’s many failures."
Yoé Suárez in his article "‘11J’: A turning point in the repression of evangelicals in Cuba (1) Clashes with the State and punishments of Cuban evangelicals have increased in recent years, but without a high number of imprisoned pastors. Until 11 July 2021 came" published in Evangelical Focus Europe on January 17, 2022 reported on evangelical pastors being targeted by the political police in the aftermath of the 11J protests. The author also found that religious leaders were speaking out.
A few days later, the board of directors of the Methodist Church published a statement on their social networks with unusually direct language critical of the government. In it, they said they rejected "the repressive manner used against the demonstrating population". "Cuba must be a free and sovereign country, where all its children are respected, both those who support the Revolution and those who do not sympathise with the socio-political system," they said. Other large churches issued similar statements. The Pentecostal Assemblies of God directly questioned Díaz Canel, blaming him for the violence that occurred on 11-J. "A government that proclaims the inclusion of all citizens must have the wisdom to promote dialogue and not confrontation. We believe that slogans devoid of peace and sanity will not resolve the situation in which the country finds itself, but rather destine the nation to total chaos and destruction," the text stated.
This is a courageous stand in light of the ongoing political show trials in Cuba. The Guardian on January 15, 2022 in the article,"‘They want to make an example’: Cuba protesters hit with severe sentences," quoted Erika Guevara-Rosas, the Americas director at Amnesty International, who said "prosecutors have pushed for disproportionately long sentences against people who were arrested in the protests. In addition, many people stand accused of vague crimes that are inconsistent with international standards, such as ‘contempt’ which has been consistently used in Cuba to punish those who criticize the government.”
The Castro regime stands accused of either carrying out, or looking the other way, when dozens of American and Canadian diplomats began to suffer brain injuries in late 2016. This is not a government that plays by international norms. It is an outlaw regime, and on the State Department's list of state terror sponsors. Defying such a regime is not for the lighthearted.
The Guardian, January 15, 2022
‘They want to make an example’: Cuba protesters hit with severe sentences
Six months after demonstrations, courts have quietly started imposing harsh charges such as sedition
Protesters in Havana, Cuba, on 11 July 2021. Photograph: Alexandre Meneghini/Reuters
One Sunday last summer, 18-year-old Eloy Cardoso left his mother’s house on the outskirts of Havana to collect an Atari game console from a friend.
He’d stayed at home the previous day, while the largest anti-government demonstrations since the revolution had ripped through Cuba.
The authorities had managed to quell the protests in most of the country overnight, but not in La Güinera: unrest was still raging in the humble and normally calm neighbourhood, and Eloy walked out into a bloody brawl.
Shops were smashed and looted, party supporters wielded clubs, police wrestled with youths, and one man was shot dead. Amid the tumult, Cardoso began to throw stones at the police.
He was arrested a few days later, and at a closed trial earlier this week he was sentenced to seven years in prison.
The trial is one of scores currently playing out across the island, as, six months after the demonstrations, Cuban courts have quietly started imposing draconian sentences on the protesters who – sometimes peacefully, sometimes less so – flooded the streets last summer.
Though the state has a history of issuing stiff sentences to organised political dissidents, the punishments now being meted out are unusually severe.
“They want to make an example of him,” said Cardoso’s mother, Servillia Pedroso, 35, holding back tears.
Because her son is at college, police initially told her he would get a “second chance” charging him with “public disorder” and telling him he would get away with a fine.
But in October, the charge was upgraded to sedition: in other words, inciting others to rebel against state authority.
Since December, more than 50 people in La Güinera have been sentenced for sedition, according to the civil society organisation Justicia 11J. Most are poor, young males.
Justicia 11J said more than 700 people were still being detained following July’s protests, with 158 of those accused of or already sentenced for sedition. Earlier this week one man in the eastern province of Holguín was sentenced to 30 years.
Erika Guevara-Rosas, Americas director at Amnesty International, said detainees have faced summary proceedings without guarantees of due process or a fair trial.
“Prosecutors have pushed for disproportionately long sentences against people who were arrested in the protests. In addition, many people stand accused of vague crimes that are inconsistent with international standards, such as ‘contempt’ which has been consistently used in Cuba to punish those who criticise the government,” she said.
[ Full article ]
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/jan/15/cuba-protesters-sentences-sedition
Hyperallergic, January 16, 2022
Racism Still Influences Cuban Arts and Culture
The question of race — however hidden, however camouflaged by the shouts of the crowds — is a constant theme and an unanswered challenge.
Movimiento San Isidro as Cuban State Security Forces surrounded their Old Havana apartment headquarters for over a week in November 2020 (photo by Katherine Bisquet, courtesy Katherine Bisquet)
July 11, 2020 Cuba was back in headlines and on news broadcasts around the world. This time, it was because Cubans, led by a youth movement that was fed up with 60 years of the mistakes and failures of its nominally Communist government, enacted the largest and most significant protests in their country’s recent history. And because it could not be otherwise, the island’s comedians sharpened their satires, the rappers intensified the urgency of their provocations. The call to boycott the current Havana biennial flew like gunpowder among painters, sculptors, and photographers. Finally, in the theaters the footlights went out and the curtains lowered; the marquees on the cultural centers came down, and the lights in the galleries went out. The artists, too, came out into the streets. By November 27 of last year, a group of artists had organized a massive demonstration at the Ministry of Culture.
Amid all of this, and the spotlight of international attention that waxes and wanes on Cuba as scandal or economic crisis dictate, the question of race — however subtly hidden, however camouflaged by the shouts of the crowds — is a constant theme and an unanswered challenge.
On the one hand, many Black Cubans may have yet to realize that the current president, Comrade Diaz Canel, has nothing to do with them or their needs. Perhaps they have not yet fully acknowledged that certain characters, like Comrade Esteban Lazo and other Black leaders in the highest levels of the Communist Party of Cuba and its government, are only there as scenery and window dressing. On the other hand, a cursory look at which racial population predominates in Havana’s wealthiest neighborhoods (El Vedado, Miramar, Kholy, Nuevo Vedado) and which predominates in the poorest (Coco Solo, El Pocito, La Guinera, San Isidro), not to mention who fills the island’s prisons, suffices to establish that — in spite of the “revolutionary” propaganda that has persuaded many on and off the island of the revolution’s vindication of its Black citizens — in fact, racial policy, racial inequality, and race relations number among the revolution’s many failures.
And yet, in what should be a collective struggle of all Cubans against dictatorship — which has brought the full force of its brutality down on any manifestation that dares to oppose its supposed principles — the impact of racism and the disproportionate struggle of Black Cubans continues to be ignored. The recent movements led by young artists, which have attracted much international media attention, are not immune from the stain of racism.
Thankfully, the increased availability of mobile phones, the tiny cameras most citizens now carry in their pockets, help to free us from the Byzantine structures of rumor and inference on which we had to rely for so long, and simply see for ourselves. Video and the ability to disseminate it is no longer the exclusive purview of the government. With the ubiquity of social media, it is freely available to all who can afford a mobile phone.
And there, you will see the two disparate realities of the Cuban artist movements. One of its faces is defined by those who appeared in the November 27 protests. These are students or graduates of the state art school system, and they are supported by other (not so young) playwrights and actors, film directors, or journalists. They are predominantly White. We saw them in a cluster before the Cuban Ministry of Culture’s headquarters in El Vedado, demanding that their demands for freedom be heard by the dictatorship’s minister of culture — who indeed, came out to meet them, joined by his vice minister of culture. They came, not to join the demonstrators in seeking consensus, but to fight them. This bears repeating, so imagine this scene: The official Minister of Culture of a country comes out to engage in a literal street brawl, throwing punches at the young artists. What other proof of cheap, undignified vulgarity can possibly be needed to convey the absurd inadequacy of a government — and by extension the system it upholds?
The capitol gold dome in Havana Cuba (image by Cuban Newspaper via Flickr)
The other face of the young artist movement is the San Isidro movement. These young artists, who are almost all Black and Brown, also possess rigorous academic and professional training, although the art they make tends more to the vein of institutional critique or performance, or “street art,” or outright polemic. The work, and the movement, feel in many ways more vibrant than their officially sanctioned counterparts. Its leaders had been holed up for some time — well before the events of July 11 and November 21 — in the (to say the least) precarious conditions of their house in Old Havana. For months they had been demonstrating, enduring persecution, imprisonment, hunger strikes. In a neighborhood — poor, Black, “unsavory” — where it would never have occurred to the Minister of Culture to dare throw a punch at anyone.
So: demonstrations before the Ministry of Culture on the one hand, the San Isidro movement on the other. Putting aside value judgments, let us simply look at the videos and take note of the racial makeup of each group. Let’s examine the disparities in how social media commenters express their solidarity for one group or the other.
At this point, certain voices will inevitably express concern that raising the issue of race will be divisive, that the dictatorship itself would benefit from the resulting fracturing of solidarity — and these voices are not entirely wrong. It is worth considering, however, that this is the same argument that the then president of Cuba, José Miguel Gómez made in 1912, when (paraphrasing no less significant a Cuban than José Martí), he said, “The Black person who says “my race” errs by redundancy; say you are a man and you’ll have stated all your rights.” Then, with the same fervent patriotism Gómez sent in the troops to crush with fire and blood Black and Brown Cubans. The same Black and Brown Cubans who, having put their own bodies on the line in the Cuban War of Independence, found their voices excluded in the nascent republic and organized themselves into the Partido Independiente de Color.
This pattern appeared again during the United States Civil Rights Movement, and here it touches me personally because it affected my own father. Some Black Cubans sought to leverage the US Civil Rights struggle to call attention to the racism that persisted in Cuba under the revolution. The state security apparatus labeled them racists and counterrevolutionaries, using the same cynical logic to claim that calling attention to racial injustice divided and weakened the revolution.
The same logic appeared again in a 1980s Congress of the Union of Writers and Artists, when the great actress Elvira Cervera and the great writer Mayte Vera pointed out the issue of racism, this time on national television. And the official response when confronted with this blatantly obvious issue was to acknowledge that it was in fact an issue — but that it was not the right moment to address it.
And now, as we approach the end of the year 2021, we face the same false binary. Can the issue of endemic racism in Cuba be directly acknowledged as inseparable from the ongoing systemic injustice and be incorporated into the struggle against the dictatorship? If not now, when?
https://hyperallergic.com/699988/racism-still-influences-cuban-arts-and-culture/
Evangelical Focus Europe, January 17, 2022
‘11J’: A turning point in the repression of evangelicals in Cuba (1)
Clashes with the State and punishments of Cuban evangelicals have increased in recent years, but without a high number of imprisoned pastors. Until 11 July 2021 came.
Evangelical pastors Yéremi Blanco and Yarián Sierra were detained for two weeks after joining the protests in Cuba on 11 July 20221. / Photo: Protestante Digital.
This is the first part of an in-depth analysis article authored by Cuban journalist Yoé Suárez. It was first published by Diario de Cuba and Cubanet and translated into English with permission. The second part will be published soon.
By Yoé Suárez
On 11 July 2021 in Cuba, thousands of people of all kinds took to the streets with various demands. It was, so far, the greatest display of the power of civil society in this totalitarian country, where the Socialist State tries to control its citizens as much as possible.
It is impossible to know who exactly the demonstrators were, but some of them are part of the growing community of evangelical or Protestant Christians, who, according to a 2015 survey, represent around 7 percent of the population.
It was the case of Carlos Macías, who lived that day of large anti-system demonstrations in Cuba between two dilemmas. The first was related to his vocation: "to be a pastor of a historic denomination like the Methodist Church, under the stigma that Christians do not participate in politics, and at the same time to want to exercise my civil rights and freedoms as a citizen", he said in an interview.
The other dilemma was "between the need to express myself and make use of freedom of thought" and "the fear of the consequences that this could have on a personal level". In another time, as so many Cubans have always done, the pastor might have opted for self-censorship, for staying at home. But that 11 July 2021, known as '11J', something seemed to change.
In the battered streets of Jovellanos, Matanzas province, a crowd chanted freedom. The same was happening in more than 60 other localities all over the country. Carlos and his eldest son left the church house to join in. He understands that, as a religious leader, it is not his mission to call for a protest. As a believer, of course, he recognises "the right to participate in a demonstration demanding justice".
Growing tension
Tensions between some of the leaders of the evangelical community and the State had increased over the past three years. Since 2018, the main Protestant churches had been demanding more independence from state organisations that try to control them or do not recognise them as having legal status. They had also strongly rejected State mandates such as, for example, the so-called "Comprehensive Sexuality Education Programme with a focus on gender and sexual and reproductive rights in the National Education System", the promotion of same-sex marriage, and had demanded the right to live and educate their children according to their religious principles and beliefs.
Although clashes with the State and acts of punishment or intimidation of these churches had multiplied since then, they had not escalated to the point where a large number of pastors were imprisoned for days, weeks or months. Until ‘11J’ came along.
On that day, Carlos Macias and other Protestant leaders who had never before taken to the streets to protest, did so. They joined thousands of other citizens, who had also never demonstrated before. And this time, the religious leaders did not demonstrate only for the above reasons, they joined as part of a population demanding food, medicine, and, above all, shouting: freedom.
Since then, a persecution has been unleashed against some pastors that continues to this day and has contributed to an increasing number of religious leaders and churches questioning police repression or speaking out against the regime.
Protestants were, in fact, the religious group with the most leaders repressed as a result of '11-J', according to a tally by the group Justicia 11-J, which compiles an inventory of the arrests and legal proceedings being suffered by those who demonstrated on that day.
Subsequently, in late August, another community leader, who had been openly critical of the regime and shared images of the 11-J protests on social media, was also captured and prosecuted.
In all these cases, the pastors were not detained as part of larger groups. Either the authorities were waiting for them in their homes or churches, or they were taken from the crowd.
Although they all went out as individuals, without inciting their congregations to demonstrate, they received the same treatment as other civil society leaders or more overtly political opponents: arrests and criminal prosecutions.
"The government views religious groups as the largest independent civil society sector and fears their potential to mobilise large groups of people. The involvement of believers and some religious leaders in the '11-J' protests fed the government's paranoia," a spokeswoman for Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW), an international organisation that promotes religious freedom, said in an interview for this report.
"The government wants exemplary cases to show other religious leaders what the consequences will be if they don’t follow the rules," said the source, who asked not to be identified because of CSW's work in Cuba.
The case of Carlos Macías
Carlos Macías recalls how on that day "everyone said what they wanted to say: basically despair and disagreement with what is happening. Many people, almost 1,500 people of different ages, began to walk peacefully through the streets of Jovellanos", he explained in a video shared on social media.
According to his testimony, in the protest "there was no violence on the part of the demonstrators". However, that did not prevent "a group of Cuban government sympathisers and plainclothes officers" from entering the rally to try to arrest him and his son. "They insulted us, blasphemed us and called us dogs. They were trying to destabilise us mentally, they were looking for strife," the pastor said.
In the middle of the crowd, Carlos recalls that someone shouted "They want to take the pastor away!". Then "part of the people intervened and thwarted the arrest. That's when we understood that we had to get out of the chaos that was emerging in the place and return with my wife and my youngest son.
After returning, the church house was guarded by members of the Ministry of the Interior (Minint). Carlos was warned that if he left, he would be imprisoned. He was under house arrest without charge.
Carlos had previously spoken out against abuses of the State through teachings and social media posts. When San Isidro Movement artist Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara went on hunger strike in April 2021, he expressed his solidarity with him on social media.
Hence it was natural for him to take to the streets on 11J. In a video on his Facebook account, he said: "Today I had the honour of participating in a spontaneous demonstration. I want to say that no one here was paid a penny to participate".
"Díaz-Canel, a president I did not elect, in the framework of these demonstrations called for bloodshed, for confrontation," he denounced, "and he will be responsible for every drop of blood of Cubans who" for thinking differently "are wounded or die in the attempt".
"The time has come to speak out, it is dangerous because we live in a dictatorship. But I don't think we can stand it any longer," he said. "In Cuba we live dignified Cubans who are not willing to keep silent to please a family". The Castros.
His motivation, according to himself, was not due to "political or ideological reasons", but to "biblical, theological and doctrinal principles related to freedom and truth".
Imprisoned in his house, Carlos lived the hours as if inside a large drop of amber. The heat and the uncertainty of what would happen to him and his family slowed down time.
Meanwhile, Ricardo Pereira, Bishop of the Methodist Church, contacted the authorities in person to lobby for his release. After two days in detention, the pastor was summoned to the Jovellanos police station. Several plainclothes and uniformed officers threatened him with reprisals if he demonstrated publicly again, and the house arrest was lifted.
A few days later, the board of directors of the Methodist Church published a statement on their social networks with unusually direct language critical of the government. In it, they said they rejected "the repressive manner used against the demonstrating population".
"Cuba must be a free and sovereign country, where all its children are respected, both those who support the Revolution and those who do not sympathise with the socio-political system," they said.
Other large churches issued similar statements. The Pentecostal Assemblies of God directly questioned Díaz Canel, blaming him for the violence that occurred on 11-J. "A government that proclaims the inclusion of all citizens must have the wisdom to promote dialogue and not confrontation. We believe that slogans devoid of peace and sanity will not resolve the situation in which the country finds itself, but rather destine the nation to total chaos and destruction," the text stated.
Yoé Suárez, journalist in Cuba.
Published in: Evangelical Focus - Features - ‘11J’: A turning point in the repression of evangelicals in Cuba (1)
The Wall Street Journal, January 13, 2022
Havana Syndrome: What We Know
U.S. officials cite an expansion in incidents of mysterious ailments afflicting some of its diplomatic and intelligence personnel around the world
The Havana Syndrome was first reported in diplomats stationed in Cuba in 2016; The U.S. Embassy in Havana. Photo: fernando medina/Reuters
By Byron Tau
Roughly 200 U.S. diplomats, intelligence officers, military officers and other government personnel, mostly based abroad, have experienced a strange and often debilitating set of symptoms, prompting a series of government and scientific investigations into what some officials have called anomalous health incidents and others refer to as attacks. Here’s a primer on what is and isn’t known.
What is Havana Syndrome and what are the symptoms?
Havana Syndrome is a set of unexplained medical symptoms first experienced by U.S. State Department personnel stationed in Cuba beginning in late 2016. At the time, those diplomats had been dispatched to Cuba as part of the rapprochement between the two countries begun under President Barack Obama, after decades of severed diplomatic relations between them. The emergence of the ailments on Cuban soil strained those developing ties.
Since the initial cases, diplomats and intelligence officers stationed around the world have experienced similar symptoms. Those affected report a range of conditions including dizziness, headache, fatigue, nausea, anxiety, cognitive difficulties and memory loss of varying severity. In some cases, diplomats and intelligence officers have left active service due to complications from the condition.
Where have Americans gotten Havana Syndrome?
The first cases emerged among U.S. and Canadian personnel stationed in Cuba in late 2016. The State Department also reported potential cases in China in 2018, evacuating State Department employees and their families from the city of Guangzhou after cases were reported there. Diplomats and intelligence personnel in Russia, Poland, Georgia and Taiwan have also reportedly been affected.
In autumn 2021, the Central Intelligence Agency evacuated an intelligence officer serving in Serbia who suffered serious injuries consistent with the Havana Syndrome, and in October a U.S. official said at least two American citizens had been afflicted in Bogotá, Colombia.
Officials serving at U.S. diplomatic missions in Geneva and Paris are also suspected to have been afflicted in 2021, people familiar with the incidents said, with at least one being evacuated to the U.S. for medical treatment.
When CIA Director William Burns traveled to India in September, a member of his team reported symptoms consistent with Havana Syndrome and received medical attention, a U.S. official said. A month earlier, Vice President Kamala Harris temporarily delayed her arrival in Vietnam after the State Department made her office aware of a “possible anomalous health incident” in Hanoi.
In July, the State Department and the Austrian government said they were investigating possible cases in Vienna that had emerged in previous months. The CIA tapped a veteran of the hunt for Osama bin Laden to head its own task force looking into the matter. A number of U.S. officials stationed in Washington may have been affected, including one who was reportedly struck while near the White House.
What are the leading theories as to what causes the syndrome?
Initially, investigators believed the syndrome was the result of an attack by a sonic or acoustic weapon. However, a comprehensive analysis by a U.S. scientific panel in December theorized that exposure to a type of directed energy was the most likely culprit. The panel—tasked by the State Department and organized by the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine—identified “directed, pulsed radio frequency (RF) energy” as the most likely cause of the symptoms. A different medical assessment in 2018 similarly concluded that exposure to microwaves, a type of radio frequency energy, were the most likely culprit for the syndrome. An examination by the University of Pennsylvania of the brains of 40 people affected by the syndrome found some evidence of brain damage.
Directed energy has been tested by numerous countries as a weapon, but has other potential applications as well. The New Yorker reported in May that a working theory by investigators is that a foreign intelligence agency—possibly Russia’s GRU military intelligence service—was aiming microwave devices at U.S. officials with the aim of collecting data from their computers and cellphones.
U.S. intelligence agencies haven’t determined how or by whom the attacks are being conducted, a senior CIA official said, adding: “We’ve developed interesting leads, but nothing that causes us to come to any firm conclusions.”
What has been the U.S. government reaction?
Former President Donald Trump publicly blamed Cuba for the initial wave of incidents, an accusation Havana denied. The emergence of subsequent cases around the world has renewed attention within the U.S. government to the issue. Director of National Intelligence Avril Haines is overseeing a panel of intelligence analysts and outside scientific experts tasked with determining the mechanism used in the attack. The panel’s work is expected to conclude later this fall. The bipartisan leadership of the Senate Intelligence Committee has also said it plans to investigate the matter and dedicate resources to protecting the victims.
On Oct. 8, President Biden signed the Helping American Victims Afflicted by Neurological Attacks (HAVANA) Act, which authorizes additional medical and financial support for intelligence officers and diplomats affected by the syndrome.
In early November, Secretary of State Antony Blinken appointed an ambassador to coordinate the State Department’s response, including securing compensation and care for victims. Mr. Blinken said the service of American diplomats “often comes with risk,” including for dependents, and committed the department to caring for affected individuals, identifying the cause and the responsible party, and preventing recurrences.
Write to Byron Tau at byron.tau@wsj.com
https://www.wsj.com/articles/havana-syndrome-symptoms-11626882951?mod=Searchresults_pos2&page=1