Archive for April, 2011

UN CONGRESO SIN SOBRESALTOS

Monday, April 18th, 2011

18 April, 2011

El VI Congreso del Partido Comunista de Cuba que sesiona en La Habana hasta el martes no realizará cambios esenciales en la estructura económica del país, ni abrirá las puertas a un sistema democrático.

El general Raúl Castro inauguró el sábado el Congreso, con un discurso en el que reconoció que luego de medio siglo en el poder, no está garantizada una sucesión de jóvenes para continuar la reolución. Esa afirmación implica que, la cúpula dirigente del gobierno se mantendrá sin mayores cambios en los años inmediatos.

Castro propuso al Congreso que en lo adelante, ningún dirigente, del Estado o del Partido, permanezca en el cargo por más de dos períodos de cinco años cada uno.

Lo que puediera ser la decisión más significativa queda para el próximo año: reformar el Capítulo 5 de la Constitución que define la función del Partido en el régimen y que ahora lo califica como el organismo que organiza y dirige a la Nación.

Cuba en la lista negra de la CIDH

Friday, April 15th, 2011

15 April, 2011

Cuba continúa en la lista negra de los violadores a los derechos más básicos del pueblo, denunció la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos en su informe anual sobre la situación en el hemisferio.

El reporte divulgado el jueves incluye a Cuba, Venezuela, Colombia y Honduras en el Capítulo Cuarto, dedicado a los países donde la entidad denuncia situaciones alarmantes.

La CIDH subraya en particular la situación de los derechos políticos, las garantías procesales y la independencia del sistema judicial, las restricciones sobre los derechos de residencia y movimiento, la privación de libertad de los disidentes, la libertad de expresión, y las condiciones en que se encuentran los defensores de los derechos humanos.

“Las restricciones sobre derechos políticos, libertad de expresión y de diseminación de pensamiento, constituyen después de décadas violaciones permanentes y sistemáticas de los derechos humanos del pueblo de Cuba. Esta situación es agravada por la falta de independencia judicial”, subraya el informe anual.

El 2 de febrero del 2011, la Comisión envió sus conclusiones al gobierno de Raúl Castro y solicitó sus observaciones, pero no recibió respuesta alguna.

OPOSITORES RECLAMAN CESE DE REPRESION

Thursday, April 14th, 2011

14 April, 2011

Un grupo de expresos del Grupo de los 75, denunciaron el miércoles en La Haba la “desmedida represión aplicada” contra los disidentes Félix Navarro e Iván Hernández Carrillo, entre otros defensores de derechos humanos, y su encarcelamiento durante varias horas el pasado 11 de abril en Matanzas.

“Estos hechos denotan la falta de voluntad del gobierno de Cuba por respetar los derechos humanos y coadyuvar en la búsqueda de una vía de entendimiento y reconciliación que tanto necesita nuestro país”, señala la nota firmada, entre otros, por Martha Beatriz Roque Cabello, Pedro Argüelles Morán, Oscar Elías Biscet y Oscar Espinosa Chepe.

La Seguridad del Estado trató de impedir una reunión pacífica en el hogar de Navarro, en el poblado de Perico.

Durante el operativo policial se “maltrató físicamente” a los detenidos y a Sailí Navarro, hija de Félix Navarro, afirmaron los ex presos en una declaración distribuida a los medios de prensa en la capital cubana.

Comunicado de la Iglesia Católica en Cuba

Wednesday, April 13th, 2011

13 April, 2011

La Iglesia Católica anunció el martes en una breve nota que el gobierno de Raúl Castro no le ha notificado el fin de un acuerdo que ha sacado de la cárcel y enviado al exilio a más de un centenar de presos políticos desde mediados de 2010.

“Comunicamos que la Iglesia Católica en Cuba no ha recibido, por parte del Gobierno cubano, ninguna notificación referida al cese de dicho proceso”, dijo el Azobispado de La Habana.

La nota del Arzobispado enviada a corresponsales extranjeros, se da luego de que el Ministerio de Exteriores de España diera por concluido el viernes pasado el proceso de excarcelaciones, iniciado en Julio de 2010.

Unos 115 presos políticos fueron deportados a España con sus familiares desde entonces, entre ellos 40 de 52 disidentes condenados en el 2003 a penas de entre seis y 28 años en el proceso conocido como Primavera Negra. Otros 12 de ese grupo, que rechazaron el exilio, fueron liberados gradualmente y permanecen en Cuba en libertad condicional.

DESAPARECE EN AGUAS CUBANAS BARCAZA CON AYUDA A HAITI

Tuesday, April 12th, 2011

12 April, 2011

Una barcaza que transportaba ayuda humanitaria desde Jacksonville, Florida hacia a Haití y derivó hacia aguas cubanas por fallas mecánicas se hundió cuando las autoridades de la isla negaron permiso para rescatarla.

Matt Williams, portavoz de Harbor Homes LLC, una firma fabricante de viviendas de emergencia en Thomasville, Georgia. dijo que la barcaza La barcaza transportaba equipos para construir alrededor de 1,000 viviendas de emergencia en Haití. El cargamento incluía una excavadora de gran tamaño, seis tractores nuevos, generadores de electricidad y equipos de construcción.

Williams dijo que las autoridades cubanas enviaron una nave alrededor del 30 de noviembre desde el puerto de Moa, para remolcar la barcaza y el remolcador. Pero la embarcación cubana arrancó demasiado rápido, lo cual causó que el cable entre el remolcador Muheet y la barcaza se rompiera. La nave cubana emprendió el regreso a puerto llevando sólo al remolcador y le dijeron a la tripulación que un barco militar cubano vendría más tarde para remolcar la barcaza a lugar seguro.

Nunca más se supo de la barcaza.

Monday, April 11th, 2011

MADRID NO RECIBIRA A MAS EX PRESOS CUBANOS

El Ministerio español de Asuntos Exteriores informó en un comunicado el final de las excarcelaciones acordadas entre el gobierno de Raúl Castro y la Iglesia Católica cubana,en julio del pasado año para liberar a los 52 presos de conciencia del Grupo de los 75 que en ese momento estaban encarcelados. 40 de esos prisioneros fueron liberados y viajaron a España con sus familiares; doce decidieron permanecer en Cuba.

El anuncio coincidió con la llegada a Madrid de 37 ex presos, acompañados de más de 200 familiares, no relacionados con los presos de la Primavera Negra de 2003.

Desde julio del pasado año, 115 opositores han salido de la cárcel y han viajado a España junto con 647 familiares. Entre esos excarcelados hay varios opositores políticos, pero también personas condenadas por delitos de violencia, como piratería y terrorismo, que la oposición interna no reconoce como miembros de sus filas.

What Jimmy Carter can’t change in Cuba

Monday, April 11th, 2011

The Washington Post

By Yoani Sanchez, Thursday, April 7, 7:29 PM

Thirty years after he left the White House and nine years since his only previous visit to Cuba, Jimmy Carter arrived in Havana last week, wearing the white guayabera that would serve as his uniform during a three-day visit to our island. Watching on television, I recalled how toward the end of his presidency — just as I was starting kindergarten — I learned to scream my first anti-imperialist slogans while thinking of his blue-eyed face.

In the 1970s, the newspaper Granma mocked his background as a peanut farmer. Soon, however, the Castro regime launched more than grievances and caricatures at the U.S. president. In 1980, the Mariel Boatlift sent more than a hundred thousand of our compatriots to his shores, including prisoners and mental patients rushed to the port from Cuba’s jails and asylums.

Those same sad days brought the birth of “repudiation rallies,” with mobs throwing stones, eggs and excrement and spitting on the “infamous traitors” boarding those boats because they couldn’t stand to wait any longer for the promised island paradise.

The pressure of such a flood forced Carter to close the doors to immigrants, handing that battle to Fidel Castro, who screamed “Let the scum go! Let them go!” as he masked ideological extremism under the pose of revolutionary euphoria.

Carter’s mishandling of that immigration crisis, some say, is among the reasons he was not reelected.

Some 20 years later, our media did an about-face and began referring to the former U.S. commander in chief as Mr. Carter. When he visited in 2002 he was introduced as a friend of our Maximum Leader. We who had once insulted him at school assemblies were confused by the red-carpet treatment afforded the man who was once our greatest enemy.

On that visit, as on his recent one, Carter met with government figures but also with opposition groups demonized and outlawed by the authorities. For a moment, we almost thought the world might have changed when Carter spoke before national television cameras in the Great Hall at the University of Havana. It was from his lips that we Cubans heard for the first time about the Varela Project, an effort by Oswaldo Paya
to collect signatures for a referendum to amend the Cuban constitution to recognize our basic human rights, including freedom of expression and association.

But the moment was fleeting. Within a few months of Carter’s departure, a series of arrests known as the Black Spring took place across our country. Long prison sentences resulted for 75 dissidents and independent journalists, particularly those who had gathered signatures.

Last week, Carter met with Raul Castro in a formal government setting and with Fidel Castro, casually and at length in his living room.

As before, the regime pretended to show a tolerant face. Raul apparently gave the order not to interfere with the Nobel peace laureate’s early-morning breakfast with a few of us alternative bloggers who, just days earlier, had been demonized on official television as “mercenaries of the empire.”

Also on Carter’s agenda were just-released prisoners of the Black Spring, at least those who were not forced into exile, and their brave wives — known here as the Ladies in White — who never stopped marching for their husbands’ freedom, stoically facing down the repudiation rallies.

As before, Carter found points on which to praise the government, but it all sounded more like diplomatic formalities than real points of consensus.

The big question is whether the presence of the former U.S. president in our complex national situation will change anything. While I don’t believe we will move from a totalitarian state to a democracy by the mere fact of his visit, some acts have a symbolic significance that transcends their purposes.

His willingness to meet with bloggers and other representatives of our country’s emerging civil society extends some ephemeral mantle of protection. It proves that a bubble of respect is possible and that the shock troops who act against the activities of the dissidents are neither spontaneous nor autonomous but a formal arm of the regime. Carter’s willingness to hear our concerns forced Cuban authorities to inadvertently validate us and to acknowledge that there are other voices.

But there must be no illusions. Never mind that Carter proclaimed the innocence of jailed American Alan Gross, who was sentenced to 15 years for sharing technology to provide Internet access to Jewish groups in Cuba, nor that he stated that Cubans should be able to freely leave and enter the country. Carter will not succeed in creating changes we ourselves have not set in motion. And on this island where objectivity finds no middle ground, it seems we must wait for an entire family to die before anything can happen.

Yoani Sanchez is a writer in Cuba. Her awards include the 2010 World Press Freedom Hero award. She blogs at www.desdecuba.com generationy and is the author of “Havana Real: One Woman Fights to Tell the Truth About Cuba Today.”

We support democratic uprisings in the Middle East. Why not in Cuba?

Friday, April 8th, 2011

April 7, 2011

By Andres Martinez

The world has been transfixed recently by the struggles of people living under atrophied dictatorships, who, empowered by new forms of communication, have risen up and collectively said “no mas” — or the Arabic equivalent. Individuals such as Wael Ghonim, the 30-year-old Google marketing executive who galvanized the Egyptian opposition on Facebook and spent a couple of weeks in prison for his efforts, have been lionized on American newscasts.

So what happens when, amid all this, one of the world’s most atrophied military dictatorships sentences an American to 15 years in prison for handing out communications equipment to religious groups so that they might connect to the outside world? Should we expect outrage? A cable-news drumbeat on behalf of the imprisoned American? Might Anderson Cooper himself lead the rescue operation?

Not quite.

Read more
or
Read this article in the Washington Post

We support democratic uprisings in the Middle East. Why not in Cuba?

Friday, April 8th, 2011

By Andres Martinez, Thursday, April 7,

The world has been transfixed recently by the struggles of people living under atrophied dictatorships, who, empowered by new forms of communication, have risen up and collectively said “no mas” — or the Arabic equivalent. Individuals such as Wael Ghonim, the 30-year-old Google marketing executive who galvanized the Egyptian opposition on Facebook and spent a couple of weeks in prison for his efforts, have been lionized on American newscasts.

So what happens when, amid all this, one of the world’s most atrophied military dictatorships sentences an American to 15 years in prison for handing out communications equipment to religious groups so that they might connect to the outside world? Should we expect outrage? A cable-news drumbeat on behalf of the imprisoned American? Might Anderson Cooper himself lead the rescue operation?

Not quite. U.S. Agency for International Development contractor Alan Gross has indeed been convicted by a kangaroo court for providing satellite phones to Jewish groups — a “crime” that in the legal parlance of totalitarian regimes translates into “acts against the independence and territorial integrity of the state.” But Gross hasn’t much ruffled the Anderson Coopers of the world because the atrophied military dictatorship is not in the Middle East, but closer to home, in Cuba.

Now, Cuba is no Egypt. Cuba’s disdain for basic human rights and democratic norms is far more startling a departure from the prevailing conditions in its part of the world. And Cuba is far more shut off from the outside world than Egypt is. There can be no heroic Google employees or Twitteratis or Facebookers in Havana precisely because the communist regime has been so successful at keeping Cuba sealed off from the outside world and the 21st century. The “Arab Spring” may yet inspire Cubans to demand more freedoms, but the fact that they are not on the grid in any meaningful way makes that less likely.

It’s appalling, meanwhile, how the Castro brothers, who have ruled the island for more than half a century, continue to get a pass for their behavior, as if they have a license to preside over a tropical gulag in perpetuity.

It would be difficult to overstate the isolation of Cubans trapped on that island. The spread of democracy throughout Latin America has been one of the more auspicious global developments of the past 30 years, yet even the region’s most principled democratic leaders — former Brazilian president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva comes to mind — embrace the Castros and are willing to exempt them from regional democratic norms enshrined in a series of treaties.

The American left is no friend of the Cuban people either, so eager are liberals to atone (or to make Cubans pay) for our government’s past imperial overreach in the region. It’s one thing to cheer attempts to bypass totalitarian regimes’ “master switch” in the Middle East, but it is decidedly declasse in enlightened circles in this country to dwell on the lack of freedoms in Cuba.

Nor is the American right a friend to Cubans; the Cuban American exile community in Florida has long been the Havana regime’s co-conspirator in keeping their brethren on the island trapped in the past. The U.S. embargo on Cuba is a stark departure from the American belief that more, rather than less, commercial and cultural engagement is key to loosening totalitarian regimes’ grip on power. Our trade embargo and travel ban empower the Castros by helping the regime keep the island hermetically sealed and provide the regime a permanent license to deprive people of their liberties: Claiming that they are besieged by “el imperio” gives the Castro brothers the perfect alibi at home and throughout Latin America.

Former president Jimmy Carter traveled to Havana last week on a goodwill mission that many mistakenly believed would culminate in Gross’s release. He referred to Fidel Castro, now retired but still looking over his generalissimo brother’s shoulder, as an “old friend,” echoing the widely held view of Fidel as a charmingly roguish uncle who can’t bring himself to abandon his adolescent enthusiasms (which include depriving Cubans of essential freedoms).

Carter suggested that releasing Gross would be one of several measures that could improve relations between Cuba and the United States. But that is not what the Castros want, and they must want it even less given what is happening in the Middle East. Why would they crack open the door to the connectivity that inspires a networked identity among people, encourages free speech and accelerates demands for generational change? Havana has no need for the Googles and Facebooks of the world, and keeping the 61-year-old Gross in prison guarantees that Barack Obama cannot loosen the embargo anytime soon. In a sense, Carter was counseling parties with no interest in reconciling.

Against this backdrop, it is easy to second-guess the wisdom or effectiveness of official U.S.-sponsored efforts to strengthen civil society groups in Cuba and introduce the rudimentary equipment needed to get them on the global grid. But we should cheer Gross’s larger cause, as we did Wael Ghonim’s cause, because they are one and the same.

The writer directs the Bernard Schwartz Fellows Program at the New America Foundation.

REGRESA EL CAFE CON CHICHARO

Friday, April 8th, 2011

8 April, 2011

Antonio Alemán, el director del grupo estatal Cubacafé, reconoció el jueves en La Habana que se aumentará la mezcla de chícharo al café, para reducir el déficit del aromático producto, cuya producido ha venido cayendo en los últimos años.

Alemán señaló que para sostener el abastecimiento se volverá a mezclar el café con chícharo, como se hacía hasta 2005.

Cuba produce sólo 6.000 toneladas anuales del grano, una cifra que contrasta con las 60.000 toneladas de principios de los años sesenta. Cifras oficiales indican que Cuba gasta unos 47 millones de dólares en compras de café en el exterior.

Alemán dijo que la caída de la producción se ha debido principalmente al “abandono de las áreas (productivas), limitaciones en recursos, dinero que no hay para invertir porque recuperar plantaciones requiere de inversiones importantes”.

Mediante la libreta de racionamiento, el Estado vende mensualmente 115 gramos de café a 5 pesos cubanos (0,20 centavos de dólar) a cada uno de sus ciudadanos.


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